Leslie E. Anderson

Explores how Nicaragua's democratic breakdown might have been avoided had the right united with a viable, attractive electoral platform.  Uses experimental research to pinpoint what electoral platform would have received widespread electoral support and allowed the right to defeat Daniel Ortega.

Speaks to International Relations and comparative politics by suggesting that, under sequencing conditions that grant political autonomy first, local government can be democratic and can be an effective recipient for aid. Explores the Nicaraguan case where these conditions prevailed to show how this scenario can unfold.

Considers how well (or how inadequately) the Madisonian institutional system copied from the United States serves as a blueprint for democratic transition in new democracies.  Finds in formerly authoritarian societies where civil society is weak and social trust low, institutions may be the best resource for democratization. Considers how the system of a bicameral legislature and a separately-elected executive was not originally designed to spearhead the movement from authoritarianism to democracy so it is an adequate but imperfect solution which accounts both for Argentina's democratization and the limits to its democratic progress.

Helps readers understand why civil society contributes positively to the development of democracy in Nicaragua but does not contribute to democracy in Argentina and, in fact, has often helped undermine democracy there. In the face of non-democratic input from civil society, the book shows how institutions can help develop democracy in Argentina and are the nation’s only real hope for meaningful democratization.

Explains what is happening with civil society and citizen participation at the local (municipal) level in Nicaragua and shows how citizen participation at the local level can help democratic development in that country.

Spells out how essential party competition is in developing democracies. The article shows how a lack of party competition can spell disaster for democracies and points toward actions that can be taken to enhance electoral competitiveness among opposition parties.

Takes a cross-national and historical approach comparing right-wing and fascist politics across Europe and Latin America and considers the reasons underlying that type of popular sentiment. It is relevant to concerns about anti-democratic popular sentiments in Argentina, France, Austria, Venezuela and any place where popular politics poses a threat to democracy. (A longer version of this essay was published in Spain, in Politica y Sociedad, in 2001).

Explores the democratization processes that grew out of the Sandinista Revolution and examines explanations for the unexpected turn away from the revolutionary government in 1990 and towards a center-right regime through mass electoral participation. In the process, the book demonstrates how impoverished, undereducated citizens can accomplish momentous political change non-violently and points to the dilemmas that deep-seated division on the right could pose for democracy in Nicaragua.

Offers a theory about popular politics and political motivation among the poor which combines two theories (rational choice and the moral economy) that had been, up to this time, in opposition to each other. Shows that individual self-interest and community concerns blend into an original new theory that allows policy makers to understand and influence popular political action in a more realistic, holistic, and constructive manner than did either previous theory alone.